Posted in June 2011

Reasons Not to Tell Little Girls They’re Pretty

Lisa Bloom writes in HuffPost Books that “twenty-five percent of young American women would rather win America’s Next Top Model than the Nobel Peace Prize.” Just from looking at people on the street I can see that a troubling number of women and girls are indeed working hard to make others think of them as sex objects.

Bloom offers a prescription for working to combat this problem, one little girl at a time, one encounter at a time: when you meet a little girl, don’t let the first thing you say be how cute/pretty/princess-like she looks. Ask her what her favorite book is instead. It’s a small step but in a very welcome direction.

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Standing Up for Animals in Court

It is extraordinarily difficult to protect non-human animals through the courts. For one thing, there are very few laws that protect non-human animals, so often there is nothing to ask the court to enforce. But even when there is a law that should protect an animal who is in a terrible situation, the courts close their doors because they believe that humans don’t have the right to sue on behalf of other animals. And of course, non-human animals don’t have the right to sue on their own behalf. In other words, there can be no day in court for most abused, exploited animals.

I used to be a litigator at The Animal Legal Defense Fund, and this dilemma was one of the reasons I left animal law. I could bang my head against those courthouse doors only so many times before my heart just broke.

Fortunately heartier souls than I carry on the important work of fighting for justice for non-human animals. Here is a great essay by one of them about the courts’ frustrating refusal to grant legal redress to other animals.

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Save Your Hearing

A while back I wrote about the damage that noise, such as the din in subways, concerts, and spinning classes, does to our hearing. This article describes evidence that noise is correlated to hearing loss.
Wear those ear plugs. The more people do it, the less silly we’ll look!

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The Supreme Court Robbed Workers of an Important Tool for Workplace Reform: Class Actions

Excellent article on how Wal-Mart’s corporate culture fosters discrimination, and how the employees have now been stripped of their two best hopes: unions and class actions.

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Childfree Rant

The New York Times published a funny rant from an older childfree woman. An excerpt: “I’m amazed that people would be bold enough to inquire as to why I never had kids, yet I would never be nervy enough to ask anyone why they had children. We’re not an agrarian society any longer, where more hands help farm the land.”

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We Won! Dos Equis Removes Sexist Hunting Ad

Dos Equis has agreed to stop running an ad that appeared to advise men on hunting women (as in hunting with spears).

Last month I wrote about a sexist ad Dos Equis was running that advised men to “[a]pproach women like you do wild animals, with caution and a soothing voice.” I asked readers to contact Dos Equis and share their thoughts about the ad, and apparently people did. Yesterday Heineken, Dos Equis’ manufacturer, called to say that they had decided to remove the ad, even though they had reviewed it and concluded that it met their standards.

The Heineken representative I spoke with said the ad should be gone within two weeks. If you spot it anywhere after that, please post a comment here to let me know!

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Companies Can’t Discriminate, But Their Managers Can: The Supreme Court Gives Wal-Mart the Win in Dukes Gender Discrimination Class Action Case

Also published in different forms on Salon and in Newsday.

Today the Supreme Court sounded the death knell for Dukes v. Wal-Mart, the class action lawsuit accusing Wal-Mart of paying and promoting women less than similarly- or less-qualified men. To protect corporations from having to do more to prevent gender discrimination than pop a few politically correct paragraphs into the employee handbook, the Supreme Court resorted to a belabored procedural argument that incentivizes corporations to do as little as possible to prevent discrimination. The five-Justice majority did not rule on whether or not Wal-Mart actually discriminates against women – they didn’t let the case get that far. Instead they shut it down by changing the rules of engagement.

One of the plaintiffs’ central arguments was that Wal-Mart has a policy of leaving promotion and pay decisions to the discretion of individual managers, and that these managers have made discriminatory decisions. If the women suing Wal-Mart had prevailed, every American employer would have been on notice that it is not enough to sit on their corporate hands and allow gender discrimination to take its natural course in this way. Instead they would have had to make it their business to ensure that their managers treated women fairly. But the Court didn’t want that, as the majority feels that “allowing discretion by local supervisors” is “a very common and presumptively reasonable way of doing business.” (In his opinion for the majority Justice Scalia also announces, without citing any evidence, that most managers work carefully to avoid discrimination in their pay and promotion decisions when left to their own devices. That makes it all the more puzzling why the higher one gets in the corporate hierarchy in the U.S., the fewer women there are.)

So the Supreme Court looked to procedure. To bring a case as a class action in federal court, the plaintiffs have to get permission from the judge to proceed as a class. This makes sense: you wouldn’t want someone to be able to file a lawsuit on your behalf without an objective outsider considering whether the lawsuit was in your interest and whether the person filing it would represent you well. To protect you from becoming part of a class action that doesn’t benefit you, plaintiffs have to persuade a judge that they satisfy the requirements of what is known as Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 23 before their lawsuit can proceed as a class action.

One of Rule 23’s prerequisites is that “[o]ne or more members of a class may sue…as representative parties on behalf of all members only if there are questions of law or fact common to the class.” The Wal-Mart plaintiffs clearly alleged common questions of law or fact, including statistical evidence that Wal-Mart pays and promotes men more than women; Wal-Mart’s policy of leaving decisions regarding promotion and (within certain ranges) pay up to individual managers; evidence that Wal-Mart has a uniform corporate culture across its stores; and evidence that Wal-Mart’s culture fosters discrimination against women. These are precisely the kind of “common questions of law or fact” that courts routinely accept as satisfying the Rule 23 “commonality” prerequisite.

The Court used this previously clear “common questions of law or fact” requirement to thwart the Wal-Mart women by redefining the requirement beyond recognition. According to Justice Scalia, “common questions of law or fact” now means that plaintiffs must “demonstrate that the class members have suffered the same injury.” In no universe that I have visited do these two phrases require the same thing.

It’s not clear just how far the Court will take this bizarre new rule. Does “same injury” mean that the plaintiffs must show that every single class member was denied the exact same promotion? Or that each one was underpaid by the same amount? Scalia writes that it does mean that suffering “a violation of the same provision of law” won’t suffice as suffering the “same injury.” This is a remarkable and counterintuitive holding: after this ruling, a group cannot sue their joint employer for violating the same legal right for each one of them. Instead they have to prove that the legal violation harmed them in the same way. This is completely backwards: courts exist to redress violations of the law, regardless of whether those violations cause their victims to suffer in the same or different ways. It is thanks to this procedural backflip that Wal-Mart and other employers can now delegate their way out of being responsible for discrimination in their workplaces.

Arguably before Monday’s Dukes v. Wal-Mart decision, American employers were subject to legal liability if they delegated so much discretion to individual managers that those managers created a pattern of discriminating against women – at least, the four Justices in the minority believe that this was the law. Now employers have every incentive to take their hands off the reins and let managers make pay and promotion decisions based on whatever criteria they choose. This is a major loss for women, minorities, senior citizens, the disabled, and any other group that tends to get the short end of the stick in the workplace. The procedural manipulations required to reach this point have caused a major loss for any group of people that seeks to redress a legal violation through a class action: now each individual will have to pay for legal representation alone and probably forego evidence of violations against similarly situated people. Goliath has won, and it is every David for himself.

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Childfree Without Regrets

Laura Carroll posted a well-researched argument that parents are more likely to regret their decision than people who choose not to have kids. I hope this encourages the nudges out there to stop telling the childfree that we will regret our decision when it’s too late — like the doctor who pushed and pushed a childfree friend of mine to freeze some sperm before his vasectomy. Thanks for the advice, but we don’t need the ice.

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A Psychologist Considers Why The Childfree Might Be Happier

In a new contribution to the debate over the relationship between happiness and parenting, psychologist Ellen Walker proposes five explanations for her finding that childfree people are happier than parents. Here they are in her words:

1. It’s easier for childfree adults to stay physically healthy.
2. Childfree adults have an easier time holding onto a youthful attitude.
3. Childfree women have an easier time keeping their girlish figures than women who have borne children.
4. Childfree couples are happier than couples with kids.
5. All that free time actually is a good thing.

Numbers 2 and 5 in particular go against the societal grain. We generally prize maturity and castigate childishness, and as for busyness, complaining about how little free time one has is practically a form of bragging, at least here in New York City. But a youthful attitude is not the same thing as childishness, and having free time doesn’t mean one doesn’t contribute to society. Walker’s thought-provoking analysis is brief and worth a read.

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Your Job or Your Rights: How Employers Force Workers Into Arbitration

Article first published as Your Job or Your Rights: How Employers Force Workers Into Arbitration on Blogcritics. Blogcritics named this article an Editors’ Pick. Also published in The #employmentlaw Daily and New York Employment Law buzz.

Seven of Jamie Leigh Jones’s male co-workers welcomed her to her new job in Iraq by drugging and gang-raping her, according to the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. She says that the rapists were so violent that afterwards she had to undergo reconstructive surgery on her breasts.

Ms. Jones sought her day in court, but her employer, Halliburton, tried to bar the courthouse doors. When she took the job Halliburton made her sign an arbitration agreement which forces employees to give up their rights to take employment-related disputes to a jury. Instead, they pledge to resolve disputes through secret, binding arbitration.

This spring the Supreme Court issued an opinion in another forced arbitration case, AT&T vs. Concepcion, which involved cell phone users whose service contract required them to take disputes to arbitration and not to court. It also prohibited them from bringing a class action in arbitration, leaving them no way to bring a class action at all. The Supreme Court announced that that is just fine. It is legal for a company to unilaterally ban customers from court and eliminate the possibility of a class action.

Many employers force similar arbitration provisions on their employees. In fact, there is a decent chance that you gave away your right to a jury without realizing it when you accepted your current job. Like mobile phone and credit card companies, employers hide this tidbit in jargon and small print. If you want the job, you trade your right to a jury, and in its place you get private, paid arbitrators whose decisions are essentially unappealable and who don’t have to follow the law. They don’t even have to explain the reasoning behind their decisions.

Not every employer pulls this trick, but many of the big ones do, including Anheuser-Busch, Cisco Systems, Dillard’s Department Stores, Halliburton, Hooter’s, and most major employers in the financial services industry. Approximately 48 million American workers may be bound by arbitration agreements, according to the National Employment Lawyers Association.

Employers favor arbitration because it can be faster and cheaper than court. But time-consuming judicial procedures are meant to make the process fair to both parties. Their absence from arbitration weights the balance in favor of employers: for instance, in court, employers have to turn over damaging documents and produce supervisors and co-workers for depositions; in arbitration, employers can usually keep all that information to themselves. Employers also like that arbitrators have a financial incentive to favor them: employers hire the same private arbitration companies over and over, whereas each employee tends to be a one-time player.

In Ms. Jones’s rape case, federal courts ruled that several of her claims (vicarious liability for assault and battery; intentional infliction of emotional distress; negligent hiring, retention, and supervision of the employees involved in the assault; and false imprisonment – this last arising out of Halliburton’s allegedly locking Ms. Jones in a container after the alleged gang-rape and refusing her even a phone call) were not covered by the forced arbitration clause in her employment agreement because they were not related to her employment. Therefore those claims could be heard in court rather than arbitration – but only after the arbitration of her other claims ended. This ruling validates the statements of many federal courts (though not this Supreme Court) that forced arbitration is unfair, and that it is particularly unfair in the context of employment discrimination claims.

Halliburton fought hard to convince the courts that all of Ms. Jones’ claims based on her alleged assault should be heard in private arbitration and not in open court because it knew it would be better off if it could keep Ms. Jones’s brutal allegations muffled in an inherently biased arbitration instead of public in an open, unbiased court. Despite its efforts, this June Ms. Jones’s remaining claims will go to trial.

The Supreme Court has signaled that it will not stop companies from forcing arbitration on individuals, and in the AT&T case it ruled that states may not do so either. Yet 59% of Americans oppose forced arbitration according to a study by Lake Research Partners. If employees (or consumers) are going to be protected from take-it-or-leave-it forced arbitration agreements, it will have to be by an act of Congress.

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